By Hassan Haji Mohamed
I am writing this essay in response to the articles recently posted on Hiiraan and other leading Somali websites by Ahmed Aideed Ali, Dr. Mohamed A. Omar, and, above all, the South African academic of Indian origin, Mr. Iqbal Jhazbhay, all justifying the unilateral secession of the self-declared Somaliland Republic and calling for its immediate recognition by the international community. I have also read some well-reasoned rejoinders published by some other Somali intellectuals, like Abdalla Hirad, Omar Hagi and Muuse Yuusuf. So, let me make my own contribution to this very important discussion and offer the following brief comments on the shallow arguments of the proponents of Somaliland’s separation:
In their writings, Prof. Jhazbhay and others, give the false impression that Somaliland is doing great: It is very democratic, its government is functioning very well and it is attracting a lot of world attention, but there are, in their opinion, some minor problems with its foreign policy. (That is why Mr. Jhazbhay gave his essay the title: “Somaliland: Africa’s best kept secret, A challenge to international community?). However, the fact remains that – despite their unwarranted excessive enthusiasm – not a single country has yet recognized the self-declared Republic of Somaliland, after almost 15 years of a unilateral secession – not even Ethiopia, the historical enemy of the Somali people which has always endeavored, and is still endeavoring, to dismember the Somali nation or absorb it. So, contrary to the pro-secessionists’ seriously flawed arguments regarding “Somaliland’s re-gained independence”, the reasons for its inability to get recognition after so many years are, according to many experts on Somali affairs, much deeper than bad luck, and it is more than a minor foreign policy mismanagement or a failing public relations (PR) exercise. The reasons why Somaliland has not, and would probably not be recognized in the foreseeable future, could be summarized as follows:
(1) Somaliland occupies one of the smallest, poorest and least developed areas of the Somali Republic (practically, it doesn’t have any industry; no agriculture worth mentioning; and the livestock on which it depended so heavily cannot be exported now due to a strict ban from the governments of its main market, i.e., the neighboring Arab countries. I’ve a first hand knowledge of this situation, because I witnessed it during a recent visit to Hargeisa). Thus, many experts believe Somaliland cannot be a viable state. One may argue that Djibouti is equally small and poor, but Djibouti had different circumstances and got its independence in a different historical context.
(2) Four major Somali clan-families live in Somaliland and, in most reliable estimates, only the majority of the population of one of these clans, i.e., people from Burao and Hargeisa, favor secession; the rest would rather remain within a unified Somali Republic for fear of being dominated and oppressed by this latter major clan-family (to which, Mohamed Omar and Ahmed Aideed most probably belong, since they are such fierce advocates for Somaliland’s so-called “regained independence”). That is why the majority of people from Las Anod and some parts of Sanaag Region, for instance, have opted for joining the autonomous region of Puntland, so as to remain within a united, federal Somali Republic.
(3) Some people could argue, as the above two gentlemen and Mr. Jhazbhay at times do, that Somaliland’s constitution was passed by the overwhelming majority of its population some years ago. However, this is also inaccurate, because no real plebiscite was ever carried out whereby a true census was conducted within the major clan-families of Somaliland and then their votes on the proposed secession taken in a free and fair manner. Besides, even the democracy that they often boast about so loudly is seriously flawed, despite the nominal existence of some political parties. As we all know, everything in Somaliland’s public life, including the number of parliamentary seats and ministerial positions, is based on an arbitrary tribal balancing act; and not a properly conducted election after ensuring voter registration plus a reasonable level of education, work experience in government affairs, and other rational qualifications, at least with regard to the candidates for ministerial positions. More specifically, membership of Somaliland’s Upper House of Parliament (better known as: Golaha Guurtida), about 12 years ago, was strictly allocated on clan basis. As to the relative peace and stability that Somaliland has enjoyed in the past 14 years or so, the credit for its realization goes mainly to the traditional clan elders who convinced the public at large that maintaining peace is in their own interest, and does not go to a widespread democracy or a well-developed, modern system of governance.
(4) Many countries in this world, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa – foremost among them our neighbor Ethiopia itself – face secessionist movements within their own boundaries. Hence, it would be very difficult for them to recognize Somaliland, because this would set a precedent and could reflect negatively on their own local situations. Besides, it would also be against the charter of the African Union which stipulates not to alter the borders of African states as they stood at independence time.
(5) The Somali Republic was founded in 1960 by the formal agreement between the North (ex-British Somaliland) and the South (former Italian Somalia). It, therefore, stands to reason that its dissolution should also come, legally, through a mutual agreement between these two parties. As such, so long as the South remains in turmoil, most foreign countries would be discouraged from recognizing the North’s separation. For our readers’ information, I was told that, when the negotiations were going on in 1960 for the unification of the two regions, the Southerners wanted it to be postponed for a few more years, until the two peoples get to know each other better. But it was the Somalilanders who insisted on an immediate unitary state, and the Southerners had to oblige somewhat reluctantly. Perhaps because their tiny elite of educated people spoke English, the Northerners thought they could monopolize power and privilege in the new Somali Republic, but to their everlasting disappointment and frustration this did not materialize! (Prof. Jhazbhay and other foreigners who are not sufficiently familiar with Somali affairs can check this factual episode of recent Somali history with our surviving elder politicians).
(6) Another piece of information for the professor and his cohorts: I learned from a highly reliable source that a high ranking delegation from Somaliland which visited Saudi Arabia a few years ago was told by top Saudi Government officials the following: “If the whole world recognizes you, we will never recognize you.” When the Somalilanders asked with a great surprise and a sudden shock: Why? The Saudi officials simply replied: “Separation is not in your interest, nor that of Southern Somalia“.
(7) Even when it was unified, the Somali Republic was one of the poorest, economically weakest and least developed countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. If it is split up into two, the situation would be even worse for both parts. This reminds me about a Scottish politician, who previously advocated seceding from the United Kingdom, but later changed his mind. When he was asked about the reason for his change of heart, he said without any further hesitation: “A broken up UK will only result in smaller, weaker, less prosperous and less influential two states called England and Scotland, respectively.” I think this equally applies to Somaliland and Somalia. Moreover, in the 21st century, countries are often moving towards more political harmonization and economic integration, because small individual and isolated states are no longer viable, at least economically speaking. Look at the major blocks called the European Union, African Union, Arab Gulf Cooperation Council, etc. – or even the present tendency towards globalization of all the countries of the world.
(8) In the opinion of some experts on Somali affairs, Somalilanders would have been smarter – and this directly applies to Mr. Jhazbhay and Mr. Omar’s flawed foreign policy analysis – if they could work hard to help in the pacification of the South, and even host some of its peace and national reconciliation conferences, as some foreign countries, like Kenya, Ethiopia, Egypt, Djibouti and Yemen, did, and then negotiate for separation or a loose federation (in which Northerners will share defense and foreign affairs only with the Southerners) with the resulting functioning Somali government of the South. Instead, Somaliland, its leaders and its small elite of intellectuals, like the writers under review, have been adopting in the past 15 years a narrow-minded, paranoiac attitude, filled with incredible hatred, antagonism and a highly exaggerated sense of superiority towards anything pertaining to the South.
(9) If they are still angry about the fact that the Siad Barre Administration oppressed them or killed their people, they should know one thing, as their leader and politically savvy, the late Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, ex-Prime Minister of Somali Republic, once reminded them when a good number of Hargeisa inhabitants displayed great agitation after some heinous mass graves were discovered in that city some years ago: These terrible, inhumane crimes were committed by a particular regime (and not all the people of the South) – a regime that had committed similar monstrous crimes against the rest of the country, but at times even more so in some other regions with forces often led by high ranking officers and other soldiers from the North (or present day Somaliland).
(10) In all likelihood, the veteran political leaders of that break-away region (or North-Western Region of Somali Republic), like Egal, the late Abdirahman “Tuur” and Ahmed Mohamed “Siilaanyo” knew that Somaliland is not a viable proposition. However, in their utter miscalculation, perhaps they thought they would obtain immediate international recognition. Then enormous financial aid would come pouring from Arab, European, North American and other foreign countries. Thus, they would be able to line up their pockets with this huge windfall — and not use it for the advancement of their region or the alleviation of the abject poverty of their people.
In conclusion, the effect of the above-mentioned irrational attitude from the part of Somalilanders has been so dismal to Somaliland itself. It now lies in a perpetual limbo and its people mostly survive on remittances from the Somali refugees/workers in Western Europe and North America, while the Somaliland Government depends as the main source of its income on the port of Berbera – which was, incidentally, constructed, modernized and enhanced by the previous Somali administrations, but now serves as the main gateway of our archenemy, Ethiopia, to the rest of the world, as the latter became a landlocked country, after losing Eritrea. (If Somaliland is so wonderful, democratic and prosperous, why do the above-mentioned writers, who hail from that region, and hundreds of thousands of Somalilanders stay overseas?). The never-ending crisis in the South, and Somaliland’s self-inflicted isolation, has allowed the successive “transitional” governments in the Somalia to get, rather unfairly, the greater part of the economic assistance that the international community allocates in the name of the Somali Republic. At the same time, the so-called “Somaliland Republic” remains in a quandary of its own making and not yet recognized by a single country after 15 years of a unilateral secession. It is unlikely that this international recognition will take place any time soon, even if they hire dozens of expensive public relations experts, like Mr. Iqbal Jhazbhay.
Hassan Haji Mohamed
Dubai, United Arab Emirates
E-mail: hashaji945@hotmail.com
